The art of greasing the palm

Anyone who has read this blog knows that I consider the role of the lobbyist to be one of the most important, and definitely the most underreported, stories in American politics.
I say that despite the dozens of articles that have been printed in the New York Times, Washington Post, Time, Newsweek, etc., and pieces that have been done on various television news programs.
While it is being covered to some extent on the national scene, the role of lobbyists in every decision that is made in Missouri politics is one that nearly no one is covering.
I mentioned recently that we had reached the one-year anniversary of the last time the Joplin Globe did a study of lobbyists' gifts to area legislators. It is now closing in on 13 months. During that time, lobbyists have spent thousands of dollars buying gifts, meals, drinks, travel, etc., for our representatives or for the committees and caucuses on which they serve.
It would be unfair to put the entire blame on the Globe. Little coverage of lobbyists is done by other state newspapers either. Every once in a while a newspaper will do a series (and this is the kind of story that is best told by newspapers which can give them the space and go into the depth they deserve).
If you do a story once a year about lobbyists, that leaves 364 days (or 365 in the years in which I have a birthday) that a major story is not being covered.
What should be written about lobbyists and special interests?

1. Reporters should examine the campaign contributions that are funneled through lobbyists, many times in the names of front organizations that really do not exist. Who are these people really representing?

2. Each piece of legislation that is proposed should be examined for the telltale signs of lobbying influence. Now there is nothing wrong with fighting to get your viewpoint heard and trying to change a legislator's point of view through the power of reason, but when legislation is shaped by the amount of money that goes into the campaign coffers, or by gifts that are given to legislators and their families, people have the right to know.

3. Reporters need to compare the actual writing in the laws with laws from other states and with wording on advocates' websites. It is no secret that much legislation in the United States is written by lobbyists.

4. Changes in the types of bills sponsored by legislators need to be examined closely. For instance, the Joplin Globe was the first newspaper to note Rep. Steve Hunter's other job as a membership recruiter for Associated Industries of Missouri, a business lobbying firm. Unfortunately, the newspaper has never built on that story. I can't find any place in the Globe or in any other outlet, except The Turner Report where it has been mentioned that Hunter proposed no business-related legislation prior to taking the AIM job. Now each year he offers pro-business, anti-labor legislation.

Our legislators continue to avoid any real attempt at reforming lobbying laws. The so-called reform laws that were passed were accompanied by sponsors telling us how more disclosure will lead to true reform. Unfortunately, that is not the case.
It only allows business to continue as usual.

Our elected officials are well aware that the media probably will not bother to examine the documents and if they do, they will most likely write or air one story, then allow the information to be swallowed up in a barrage of 30-second commercials reminding us of all of the wonderful things they have done and how they have fought for Missouri and for family values.
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A good example of reporting on the corruption that often comes with lobbying is included in today's New York Times. The article profiles lobbyist Brent R. Wilkes, who faces criminal charges in connection with the scandal that put former California Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham in prison. The article begins like this:

In 1992, Brent R. Wilkes (pictured) rented a suite at the Hyatt Hotel a few blocks from the Capitol. In his briefcase was a stack of envelopes for a half-dozen congressmen, each packet containing up to $10,000 in checks.
Mr. Wilkes had set up separate meetings with the lawmakers hoping to win a government contract, and he planned to punctuate each pitch with a campaign donation. But his hometown congressman, Representative Bill Lowery of San Diego, a Republican, told him that presenting the checks during the sessions was not how things were done, Mr. Wilkes recalled.

Instead, Mr. Wilkes said, Mr. Lowery taught him the right way to do it: hand over the envelope in the hallway outside the suite, at least a few feet away.

I can guarantee you if Missouri reporters are looking, they will find these stories in this state. The problem is, they're not looking.